Year: 2012
Type: article
Abstract: It hardly needs reminding but scholarship over the past twenty years or so has moved quickly to close what was once perceived to be a chasm between so-called 'popular' belief and its 'elite' counterpart.Indeed in recent years historians can be said to have come to a consensus at least on the porous nature of what were once viewed as quite distinct categories.As early as 1978 2 Peter Burke argued that while the 'great' culture of elites remained largely foreign territory to the majority of the population, both the 'little' and the 'great' cultures could be accessed by the higher orders, allowing the nobleman to be pious in a 'popular' sort of way and, indeed, opening up new avenues that permitted traffic to cross categories at least in one direction.Later work by scholars such as Martin Ingram would speak of a 'cultural consensus' uniting all levels and, perhaps most notably, in 1992 Eamon Duffy argued for a degree of religious homogeneity across the social divide by coining the term 'traditional religion'.3 In the years since Duffy's The Stripping of the Altars, many scholars, while critiquing his approach, have, nevertheless chosen to join the increasingly long wagon train of academics who like to congratulate themselves on not being associated with their less 'enlightened' predecessors who only viewed the world in black and white -popular or elite religion, non-official or official religion, unlearned or learned religion, heretical or orthodox religion, superstition or sound doctrine.However, while everyone seems now to be an expert on what was wrong with the old system, few are confident about what should replace it.If there are to be categories such as 'popular piety' at all, the challenge now seems to be how they should be defined.It appears to me that one way of getting around the problem is to define popular religion simply as doctrine responded to and appropriated by people.Whether these people are from lay or clerical backgrounds, learned or unlearned, peasant or noble is not the point: the transition to 'popular' religion occurs when doctrine is received and put into practice.Responses to doctrine may differ; in certain cases they may be skewed and uncertain, lacking intellectual finesse; at other times, they might be deeply insightful or even spiritually moving.Historical studies have shown to great effect that deviations from theological orthodoxy were not always the preserve of the peasant, nor indeed theological understanding the sole possession of the learned nobleman.The everyday practices typically associated with popular religion -a preoccupation with miracles and signs, the veneration of saints and their shrines, recourse to charms and amuletswere indeed popular because they were common and widespread; and they certainly did not exclusively belong to the lower social orders.4 The fascination with relics, for instance, crossed all social barriers.It is ironic that the protector of Martin Luther, Elector Frederick the Wise of Saxony, possessed one of the most impressive relic collections, which was guaranteed to shorten Purgatory by 1,902,202 years and 270 days for visitors who paid to see them; these included a feather from the angel Gabriel, hay from Christ's manger, Christ's swaddling clothes, a wisp from Jesus' beard, bread from the last bs_bs_banner
Source: The Heythrop Journal
Author: Salvador Ryan
Institution: National University of Ireland, Maynooth
Language: English
Subfield: History
Field: Arts and Humanities
Domain: Social Sciences
Open Access status: bronze
OpenAlex ID: W1757458901