Year: 1994
Type: conference-paper
Abstract: We discuss a treatment of VP-ellipsis resolution in DRT in general, and particularly cases where the source clause of the elliptical VP contains presupposition triggers.We propose to restrain VP-elfipsis resolution by presupposition neutralization.We view presupposition as a kind of anaphora, with the ability to accommodate an antecedent if not provided by discourse.
Author: Johan Bos
Institution: Saarland University
Language: English
Subfield: Language and Linguistics
Field: Arts and Humanities
Domain: Social Sciences
Open Access status: bronze
OpenAlex ID: W1994112321