Work

History, memory, and politics in postwar Japan

Year: 2022
Type: article
Abstract: Few countries have spent more time recently discussing historical memories than Japan. Yet the country has also avoided confronting the harsh realities of that history. The subject of Japanese war and historical memory deserves a comprehensive examination, and this book makes a serviceable attempt to study shifting ideas about historical recollections. The book begins with the Shigeru Yoshida government (1948–54). Yoshida needed to move Japan forward after the American occupation and to ensure it was part of the emerging community of nations. Good relations with the US became a cornerstone of Japanese foreign policy and historical considerations were largely set aside to serve the needs of the alliance. These years saw the first push of Japanese companies into south-east Asia, where lingering resentment of Japan's wartime abuses remained strong among several newly independent countries. At the time, the narrative focused largely on Japan's relationship with the Soviet Union and the communist world. The government of Eisaku Sato (1964–72) tried to improve bilateral relations with its neighbours, including Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand. Discussion of a secular war memorial was wide-ranging, but no site replaced the Shinto Yasukuni shrine that memorializes all those who have died for the country since 1868. The shrine became a target of Chinese and Korean anger after it memorialized fourteen Class A war criminals in 1979. Then, a succession of prime ministers visited the shrine, often on 15 August, to mark the end of the Second World War. Japan normalized relations with South Korea in 1965, granting a package of loans and other compensation that the Japanese government felt was a ‘complete and final’ settlement. However, this was anything but final for subsequent Korean governments. During the Yasuhiro Nakasone premiership (1982–87), high school history textbooks became a major flashpoint for Korea and China. The first round of these now perennial dust-ups was a product of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) and the prime minister's wish to introduce extensive revisions of conservative or nationalistic textbooks. Although the Ministry of Education only wanted to conduct modest changes, the MOFA and the Nakasone government seemingly won the first and second rounds of revision, in the interest of better relations with neighbouring countries. After that, nationalistic textbooks were more favourably viewed once again. A chapter on Okinawa provides an excellent overview of political development during the island's American occupation, the later Cold War and the early post-Cold War period. Okinawa's prefectural governor once told the chief cabinet secretary that the two must have experienced entirely different postwar eras. These differences primarily have to do with Okinawa's lengthy occupation experience and the heavy burden of hosting most of the US military forces. This point would have been stronger with more discussion of Okinawan interpretations of Second World War history. Chapters five and six are edited transcripts of conference panels on historical issues. As such, they may be heavy going for general readers and quick skimming is recommended. For the contributors, the Japanese concept of ‘forgiving without forgetting’, could offer a way to make progress on historical issues in the region. The contributors also differentiate between government-to-government reconciliation and people-to-people ties, arguing that the latter is more promising. The problem with this analysis is that the Koreans and the Chinese are not interested in forgiving or forgetting if Japanese apologies appear hollow and insincere. People-to-people contacts are valuable, but the east Asian states must also make progress in forging bilateral ties. Chapter six discusses the Abe Statement, issued on 15 August, 2015 to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of the Pacific War. Moderate and conservative Japanese newspapers praised the statement for being more specific than the 1995 Murayama Statement, while leftist publications criticized it. The Abe Statement was more forward-looking and put less emphasis on history. It also suggested that future Japanese generations should not have to keep apologizing for the war. Here, Shin Kawashima outlines how, according to Abe's narrative, Japan simply took a bad detour in the 1930s and 1940s but was a constructive regional power before. On top of that, Kawashima explains, those departing from pre-Abe statements see Japan today as a builder of peace and security, keen to protect the current international order. This book has two limitations. First, as it was at least partially translated from Japanese, the language is formal and somewhat stodgy. Second, the chapters do little to present or comprehend Korean, Chinese and other Asian condemnations of Japan's colonial legacy and Second World War era atrocities. For instance, the issue of comfort women (or sexual slavery) is hardly mentioned, except to say that many people were sympathetic to Korean concerns because they affected women. Similarly, the Nanjing Massacre, the most horrible atrocity in China during the war period (accounting for 50,000–300,000 deaths and countless women raped), is referenced only in passing. If Japanese scholars are unwilling to acknowledge that these crimes really happened, it may always be difficult for Japan to mend fences with its Asian neighbours. The book presents vital Japanese discussions about historical memories, and it is a good starting place for anyone seeking a better understanding of Japanese thinking on imperial and Second World War historical issues. Readers will also benefit from the literature review of existing works on the subject. While this book will not satisfy those looking for a full-throated dissection of the topic, it sheds significant light on how different Japanese governments have dealt with questions of history.
Institution: Troy University
Language: English
Open Access status: bronze
OpenAlex ID: W4312601186
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