Year: 2025
Type: article
Abstract: The oju'po (ancestral shrine) of the Olúdásà, a descendent of Eléwùokùn, one of the most illustrious rulers of the Ọ̀wọ Kingdom, may be almost 200 years old and has been documented in scholarly literature for the last 75 years. Here we attempt to reconstruct its history, explain its function, and consider the various visual elements that constitute the shrine. The oju'po functioned as a space full of distinct iconographic statements that the viewer experienced as overlapping elements, or in sequences determined not by some preset program but rather by the movement of one's eyes within the space. The power of the ancestors as well as the current title-holder is recognized by the accumulation of seemingly disparate images carved in the architectural members of the shrine and on the altar within it. The layering of visual imagery of the oju'po could be compared to components of one of the best-known variations of Yorùbá oral literature, the oríkì.Yorùbá-speaking peoples relied on a variety of both oral literature and visual arts to record their histories and honor individuals and groups important to those histories. Such literary traditions and visual arts are forms of expression that evoke ideas or emotions, reinforcing and arousing memory. Perhaps the most recognized form of verbal expression is the oríkì (òkínkìn in the Ọ̀ghọ variant) or “praise poem,” which lauds an oriṣa, town, lineage, group, or individual.1 Such poems consist of a series of terse statements about the person(s) addressed.2 The aim is to build the recipient up, using hyperbolic language to create a sense of standing, citing outstanding qualities such as family history, leadership abilities, success, and wealth.3To outsiders there may not seem to be any coherent, logical order or sense of chronology, for the entire construction is a loose collection of individual praises (Lindon 1990: 206). One statement after the other celebrates the noble, addressing the individual's character, referencing historical events in their life, or recalling illustrious ancestors. Metaphorical references liken them to animals that share characteristics with them.4Oríkì are performed, recited, or chanted to the accompaniment of drums, and interspersed with audience response. Each phrase is appreciated by a participating crowd responding with calls of “aṣe” (“so be it”).5Although studies of oríkì suggest it is dying out in some areas, òkínkìn, as it is called in Ọ̀wọ, is still very much alive in that region, especially during family engagements like burials, egúngún performances, or any festival or event that all family members attend.6We decided to use the term oríkì as a comparison for understanding the Olúdásà's ojú'pò because this particular literary mode, like the ancestral shrine, is one that praises the individual or the ancestor or the òrìsà. While there are other literary forms, such as myths, folk tales, histories, etc., generally referred to under the term itan, it is the underlying purpose of praise in both the literary form of oríkì and the visual construction of a shrine has led us to choose this term. While the comparison may be questioned by some, we point out that such comparisons have been made for other art forms. For example, art historian Rowland Abiodun, who grew up in Ọ̀wọ, has made similar references to visual art forms and their kinship to oríkì. Throughout his book Yoruba Art and Language (2014), Abiodun compares what he refers to as “verbal and visual oríkì.” He emphasizes that Yoruba òrìsà “become closer and more approachable to worshippers through their visual and verbal oríkì— sculptural forms, songs, incantations, dances, and so on” (Abiodun 2014: 32). He further asserts that the verbal and visual arts of Africa are interdependent, supporting each other through mutual reference and allusion. Conceived as oríkì among the Yorùbá, he says, “both verbal and visual arts have a distinct, albeit intertwined, position in traditional Yoruba thought” (Abiodun 2014: 24).The shrine (ojú'pò) in which noble ancestors of High Chiefs in Ọ̀wọ are memorialized is for the most part a thing of the past. Like the elements of oríkì, many visual elements (as well as spatial components) collectively honor the individual and thus are possibly understood as the visual equivalent of oríkì. Like praise poems, they are a collection of individual visual representations celebrating the achievements of the dedicatee, the imagery loosely brought together into a single spatial whole that creates a portrait of the individual(s) being honored.While the shrine was full of discrete iconographic declarations, the viewer experienced them by moving through the space and observing the overlapping elements. They would not think of them as arrangements determined by some preset narrative program. This recalls the structure of oríkì, which is modular. It is timeless, yet it is always situated firmly in the present. Likewise, the viewers, looking around the shrine, construct their own visual oríkì from iconographic elements placed throughout it.7Among the elements within the ojú'pò, the òsánmásìmì, a carved ram head (Fig. 1) or human head with ram's horns (Fig. 2), may be the most recognizable. The ojú'pò itself is perhaps less well known: the shrine in which the òsánmásìmì is placed, an architectural complex including posts, a raised earthen altar topped by a carved plank with lidded openings, retablo of carved wood or modelled clay, lintel, ceiling reliefs, and earthenware pots.Here we address a specific shrine in the house of the Olúdásà of Ọ̀wọ (Fig. 3). Olúdásà's ojú'pò has been documented in anthropological and art historical literature over at least seventy-five years—toward the end of the colonial period, during the early independence period, after the military takeover of the government, and into the present.The Olúdásà title was created by Olọwọ Adédípè, popularly known as Eléwùokùn, for his son Omakògbé. Ọ̀wọ estimates suggest Eléwùokùn reigned from 1781 to 1833. Five sons ruled as Olọwọ after him, and he created many chieftaincy titles for other sons, Olúdásà among them.8Holders of the Olúdásà title were granted rights given to other High Chiefs. Omakògbé was allowed to wear the orùfànràn garment (Fig. 4) and agòkùn garb, which included the udàìghà (coral beaded cap), àkón oròn or èdìgbà (coral neck bands), and the pakato (beaded sash across the chest).9 He wore fifteen coral bead strands (àkón) on the leg and fifteen on the arm. Hand-held regalia such as udàmalóre (a prestige sword) and ape (dance sword) were among the prerogatives of chieftaincy.10 Chiefly dress, like oríkì and shrine imagery, boasts an accumulation of materials and objects that allude to and call attention to the power of the individual who is entitled to wear it.Elewuokun situated Omakògbé in Ugboroko, the largest quarter in Ọ̀wọ, near the palace of the Olọwọ. Ugboroko was filled with members of the houshold of the Olọwọ and their extended families and teemed with people related to the throne such as the ọmọlọwọs, descendants of past Olọwọs. It has been referred to often as the “quarter of the Olọwọ.” Here Eléwùokùn established Olúdásà Street for Omakògbé to rule over, built an imposing compound for him, and constructed a great wall (odin) around it.11Lore suggests that Omakògbé was a phenomenal chief. Before his death, he performed he out the for is a that years after a Omakògbé was from to on by drums, and were at each the many sons with his who more the that both and were with was performed, in which a Omakògbé was to the the in Ọ̀wọ to have an illustrious High the son of a a of and an oríkì out and was by his son by The Olúdásà who the position in was the son of The current Olúdásà, is a of his death, Omakògbé built the ojú'pò for Eléwùokùn, he and both Eléwùokùn and of the at the of the Olúdásà at Eléwùokùn and the ancestors. The shrine was with a of earthen the at Olúdásà Street their with Omakògbé wore Each to to honor Eléwùokùn, as they Olúdásà, of an at Olúdásà Street to the the oríkì of Eléwùokùn and the members for could be a and were the of the ram was was into each as to Eléwùokùn to his the Olúdásà called to the his call with the of a him, a of the ram's on his the for each of Olúdásà's and of the Olúdásà those in in of was to each The was part of his was into the with of and from the the altar was into the so Eléwùokùn could after performed, all in the ram and were among family members for for a the the and for the and on of the animals and with or and were of the over the years with individuals from the and the shrine in (Fig. and images of Olúdásà in the in of the the is one of the of the in the early He with to an òsánmásìmì to in an for the of and as the colonial was were of old that were still present. traditions for ancestors as included and a to a with on the shrine. They were in Ọ̀wọ at a in which were being with were as but some families still made to honor the and together on an in which they to to various they documented and of the shrine and its (Fig. and the in the of brought The known as been in the palace in led the and the for to with other to the from those who of or Olọwọ his for the military and in a was led to a series of by of the of into the of were of traditions were in part because of because of to various and the of ojú'pò were in While Ọ̀wọ been the of the great Ọ̀wọ in the by the Ọ̀wọ of for on arts with ancestor of burials, events like the ojú'pò, and egúngún most ojú'pò were of the and the them were being for the of or on the art to the of arts ancestors in the of a on ojú'pò and objects carved for ojú'pò, such as that with ram and lidded to into the and ceiling with of (Fig. and the were for because they been in the Ọ̀wọ altar were on (Fig. but most were in the ojú'pò, was constructed as an the in which ancestor in the of High Chiefs. of wood or the on the and ceiling the most objects with ancestral been by the of a ojú'pò were still in that were for were those of the Olúdásà and of the (Fig. to the was still in and by the its earthen retablo was in on altar and are of the as that by and as being in the shrine of They the are but it is they were made by and are (Fig. Olúdásà shrine was perhaps the most of Ọ̀wọ and all of it he on his are the best-known images of an ojú'pò ancestral was still being to (Fig. and and (Fig. the shrine, the were still in Olúdásà referred to the shrine as after the who created the The Olúdásà created it to honor his into the altar are called of from the up to the is an about the and the into the shrine which is in an under the from the one of the shrine and shrine of the wall some about and a wall through which a to the shrine. The is from the by an by a The ceiling of the some is with carved earthen altar the wall is the altar is the or of the that may be of as a and its it is the wall and The altar is a raised earthen and about in to the of the altar are the plank of is in the so the carved through it to those in the into which be placed and The are with carved end and the of ram to the most important made to the and more are forms on the which is about in While most altar for oju'po were carved in Olúdásà's is modelled in forms a variety of human and with in the the of on the made earthenware for groups the of the retablo (Fig. the is Olúdásà agòkùn with coral and is Olúdásà in orùfànràn with one that he to The of the or his ancestor in the is on altar end is a of a a to not of the but those of the and the ancestors at the shrine. The from the is a (a to the of near the of a an a a and a and of the ancestor in for the family is not that of the who his is the is like a but he not its Ọ̀wọ suggests that the its own house and and Like the it is and It with and with the to itself in out The in the refers to to the of the are further references to ram's head is by Olúdásà in his and there is a on the ram's head his It is the it has been the people it. The is the one he to his the ram head is a like the While it in it on The is not it is an This is to be the of and thus for the to the an to the that is thus and military for the of the were the of Olúdásà the shrine, Eléwùokùn with them The is Olúdásà calls on Eléwùokùn to be into the òsánmásìmì the shrine. One think in of the a as it in Yorùbá oral The space is into to the the and the Each of the up a and in the are in and in the of the of the retablo as a of The is like a a more complex in the oríkì often create a similar of a movement from the is to those to and people to in carved human with ram horns on the altar as in and and and The òsánmásìmì as an art has more attention to Ọ̀wọ any other at Olúdásà's shrine were and some in Ọ̀wọ in that were to the at least one that the on the altar the or of the during The of the has been but we with that the ram was purpose of the òsánmásìmì has been by of Yorùbá it as a into which the of the ancestor be during the rights in his perhaps reinforcing the that the of the that it of the ancestors as for the of the from the that not the as for the power of the of the ram to the of the ram is a in in Yorùbá Ọ̀wọ, the ram is with about the ram to suggest that the horns of the ram were at one point on the that it is the horns and not the ram itself that were most important in ancestral we consider that some such as those on Olúdásà's are human with ram this a carved Olúdásà's be not and a particular on what they were they that it is the of people to to of other may have been and Olúdásà that the altar and there was a great of in the of The carved over the The eyes were and The were and with were their carved into the The was placed at the point the the but the of was and not form a The the and The a but not from the to the and the to their a to the of a The were as as or the The in of the the of the created a The of the not and the were with a in the more or less in the by the of the were into a series of and horns from the of the and in a form with all the to the of the the horns were like those in other òsánmásìmì and out from the were to the neck by a of one head was carved with the horns closer to the from the the the was at the of the at the of the other such a is as a for the the Olúdásà it to a of as by and over each and in the of the and groups of over each head on the which was as a supporting the with a bead the a or was for a to be the attention of the ancestor during The was in a the by or that extended to the and to the of the The was with of The of the was so that they were carved by the or at least the all of carved objects in the from the in Ọ̀wọ during military a of Olúdásà that the of his compound being on was the of other supporting from with who was with the of as well as with outsiders such as and decided he the that the with the shrine would be most he them up to in his but that is the were He by and those are what and that still on the shrine (Fig. one looking at the important is a by an that the plank into are to or at the of and they an entire as in this the is understood as a but in the in many of it referred to or imagery on the be understood as equivalent to in oríkì, that allude to the ancestor the The that one from the other be of as oríkì the of by the and the of and last the in and to the in the head of a made to the are not by the but they are the most on the and The from other be from his which with of the that the is in both and the is He with his a at a was it up its in all the at the the is the one that the a an The the human and with the The is a for the in the were compared to which are It is the of is its have that the the of being a with one from the is the of a the is a an and are equivalent to those of the to that the and of the a for the of the that the are in the one they together as elements in oríkì is a of a as a of the that the emphasizes the the of the and the of the to an with such a may be referred to the and of the in not with or The ancestor in the a similar of from and the a of a on a by the (Fig. The of the suggests perhaps a garment such as the throughout the Yorùbá region, suggest the of a The an individual of standing, that in the past the Olúdásà may have been a oríkì that he was a great of not the to his The he was a of his on the of the and made the of because of the of the is to The of the in the of human allowed for important individuals in the to own that such a Ọ̀wọ would not have a like those in or Yorùbá the may have been from such as and in the on the of the into for their their use of Ọ̀wọ were with such This is especially by images in which the a that he is an the of the on the the a (Fig. While some of are with this one a by with the power of It a possibly an and a with from the not those of High orùfànràn the such were with or both with was and is it be that the of the imagery to with the of who was in the past an important in into the performed to carved in and at to that of the the The and were by in ceiling that and in are still in on the some on the the but as in its of in the form of The of the is in Ọ̀wọ that in to being referred to as or the could be that like The imagery in the is a and carved While the is the and one could the with One the in his own shrine the of a a images and ideas are in Ọ̀wọ and the is for the of the but there is for such a in the of the was to and and thus It is that it is one of the many in least one that the may to the which is with the the is with the it is the that is The oríkì of the of the be it to the with which the Olọwọ after him, the being a of in are by rather perhaps that a carved it at a The in this an of the head of a Such are on and for The is on almost all to the ancestors as the of there were verbal references to with in the we may there have been such because of the position the in Ọ̀wọ in the in the of the on were still in the to be representations of the great power of is a of the an the a chief. in are on and are the agòkùn with its beaded and beaded Here the the ape in his and a in the of regalia allude to in the a for The the as the The honor of such a and the power and given to its is the of prestige that be not by the but by the ancestors. The refers to the and prestige of the ancestor he on this and to the position that he in the the the refers to the and power of the of the noble of the of the plank in a seemingly a a of to Ọ̀wọ, for that it was a that led the to the The statement is always a to the Ọ̀wọ people for the from it was the that led them to their it could be as an of or a the and the human It some of the of and is to in some of the of of a the space with the the is on a of altar by the it was not an important and its on the altar to be an that the in a and in in the one that the could ideas related to or not the the other one to that the in the that it in a moving to the or were to be because they seemingly have it from It has for and it is with of could perhaps be related to the of the the an ancestor to to the of the but specific be with the in a of the this it that the may be a or a it to the regalia by it suggest on the part of the of a of forms from a the on other in and on other could be made for it in the referred to it as a it as the or a or as a to the plank the in is an of the the entire of the the is a with its its seemingly the to the is a of Olúdásà that it was made in this could be a reference to the of the by in Ọ̀wọ known as The a within a and is to be an the known and most in the ojú'pò is by a The the the The ceiling are still in For the most they are in some is on the of some retablo is very much as it was allowed to it over seventy-five years The has not the of (Fig. some into some are in ram are The retablo with a and there The have been to some by (Fig. is to the Olúdásà ojú'pò was created or the various were brought Omakògbé created it to his Eléwùokùn, who in the we that most of the elements for been brought together at least by the It would have been and further for one years and its and the of the for outsiders to in the While the full of each part may not be understood almost after Eléwùokùn was by we to sense of some of the by the shrine as a whole rather the or the with images the of the Olúdásà family and animals and the shrine in its is a visual praise The oríkì that individuals has been an important in each throughout are of statements that the of the being the literary of oríkì are not because they were to to events but because each may a of the elements that constitute the praise the various of the ojú'pò were created over perhaps by by Each possibly to references events or ideas about the ancestors. Like the in oríkì, the images may be and the to the of each and the it that the oríkì of statements about the yet there is logical order and sense of The entire is thus a loose collection of individual praises (Lindon 1990: 206). the the ceiling and the retablo a similar of individual images They are loosely brought together into a single Like the elements of the oríkì, those of the ojú'pò collectively honor the being of the elements in the ojú'pò, as well as the shrine in its not Eléwùokùn but each of the and all of his they are all with the entire lineage, each of their the illustrious Eléwùokùn, their noble and the of the almost 200 it has been a of a past. like the oríkì that the visual and spatial in this be understood as both and
Source: African Arts
DOI: 10.1162/afar.a.814
Authors: Babatunde Onibode, Robin Poynor
Language: English
Subfield: Anthropology
Field: Social Sciences
Domain: Social Sciences
Open Access status: bronze
OpenAlex ID: W7128495381